It seemed impossible just recently, but the result is unequivocal. Last Sunday, in the legislative elections, a majority of Hungarians voted for political change and an end to Viktor Orbán and his Fidesz party's 16 years in power. Tisza, the conservative opposition party that has denounced corruption, rule-of-law violations, and the Orbán government's Eurosceptic policies for two years, won 138 of the 199 seats in Parliament. Mark Herczeg covered this decisive election for Hungarian media outlet 444.
This testimony was written by Mark, a journalist for Hungarian media 444, and published in issue no. 72. 444 is part of our Sphera network, which brings together independent media committed to excellence across Europe.
— Budapest, April 15, 2026,
It had been a long time since Hungary had seen such political enthusiasm! On the morning of April 12, 2026, many people woke up early. They were so impatient and anxious that they were already queuing outside polling stations at 6 a.m., right when they opened! It was clear that after 16 years of NER (for Nemzeti Együttműködés Rendszere or National System of Cooperation in English, the name used by Viktor Orbán and his allies to designate the political system established in Hungary after 2010, editor's note) — characterized by strong centralized control and close collaboration between government, media, and business — this election represented the most serious opportunity to date to overturn what many viewed as a "Putinist" government.
For months, opinion polls had suggested a decisive victory for Tisza party (led by former Orbán collaborator and now opponent Péter Magyar, editor's note). Still, many found it hard to believe that the Orbán government—backed by its overwhelming financial and organizational advantage—could be swept away so easily. It was entirely possible that the Prime Minister would consolidate his power once again thanks to an electoral system tailor-made for him.
Personally, I therefore approached this Sunday in a state of extreme tension: if Orbán were to secure another victory, even at this stage, the fate of the country — and perhaps even of Europe — would be sealed for a very long time, and in a bad direction.
From the beginning of the day, at the office, we were receiving reports of electoral fraud. In Kerepes (a small town in the Budapest suburbs, editor's note), for example, a local administration official allegedly distributed gift cards worth 10,000 forints in exchange for voting for Fidesz.
Yet at that very moment, political observers watched in astonishment as the turnout exceeded even the most extreme expectations (it ultimately reached 77.80%, editor's note). State media were still repeating that high turnout could benefit Fidesz—as had been the case in the 2022 legislative elections, when it had won its biggest victory. Pro-government private media, for their part, broadcast all day long allegations that the "pro-Ukrainian Tisza Party" was planning to spark a civil war that very evening and take to the streets armed.
As polling stations closed, fresh polls predicted a Tisza victory with close to two-thirds of the vote. Estimates that, past 7 p.m., did not prevent Fidesz leaders from continuing to express their confidence in their party's victory.
However, as the hours went by, Tisza's lead continued to grow.
Gradually, in broadcasts on government-friendly channels and platforms, Fidesz supporters appeared stunned. Many seemed to have genuinely believed Fidesz propaganda, which claimed the party would once again win a landslide victory "visible from the Moon".
Shortly after 9 p.m., there was no doubt left: Tisza had won. By 10 p.m., it was clear that they had achieved a victory of a scale that even Orbán had never reached within the electoral system he had designed himself. Magyar's party ultimately secured 138 seats in Parliament, Fidesz-KDNP 55, and the far-right party Mi Hazánk (Our Homeland, in English, editor's note) 6.
After Orbán's brief and sober farewell speech at the Fidesz election night event, people wandered around in shock, disoriented. Suddenly, several pro-government commentators and anti-opposition experts simply vanished from Facebook. Balázs Németh, one of the most virulent pro-Orbán activists, didn't even show up to his own program the next day.
Conversely, from the afternoon onwards, Tisza supporters had gathered to celebrate on Batthyány Square, where later in the evening, Péter Magyar reiterated what he had long been promising: there would be accountability, Fidesz loyalists infiltrated into the state apparatus would have to go, Russian influence would be sidelined, and a style of governance more oriented towards the West and more peaceful would follow.
Techno music echoed through the city. People flooded the streets of Budapest. Drunk revellers danced everywhere; women tore down pro-government and pro-Putin posters to scribble « vége van » or « it's over » on them, in French. On trams, intoxicated passengers sang while drivers honked in celebration, chanting slogans against Fidesz. Journalists from 444 are said to have even been sprayed with champagne in some places.
It was therefore in joy and good spirits, in the course of a grand celebration, that the Orbán system came to an end. It was the most beautiful day of my life; the longest, too, since it lasted until 4 a.m. — the hour of the night when strangers were still embracing in the streets.
By the next day, things had changed: the forint (Hungarian currency, editor's note) had strengthened considerably, while companies tied to the NER system began to collapse on the stock market. Hungarians had not experienced such a decisive turning point since autumn 1956 (referring to the Hungarian revolution of 1956, a national uprising against Soviet domination and communist rule, editor's note). They had finally succeeded in overthrowing, without outside help, a corrupt system that had fed off them for years.
That day, April 13, 2026, Hungary thus awoke to a new world — and, by all accounts, a better one.
Mark
To go further
- Want to know more about the situation in Hungary and the threat facing independent journalism in the country? Read the English article on 444.hu about the subject, and Gábor Kardos's testimony, CEO of Magyar Jeti Zrt, independent publisher of the Hungarian media outlet 444.hu on our site.
- Could the Orbán method be exported elsewhere in Europe? Read our interview with Pavol Szalai, head of the European Union and Balkans office of Reporters Without Borders.
- Independence is not just a matter of money. In Europe, newsrooms face numerous political and legal pressures…in Hungary, as in France.
